The worrisome thing is that many of the conferences held in the past did not achieve anything tangible. Of particular reference was the Justice Muhammadu Uwais National Constitutional Conference mandated to review our electoral system and fashion out functional and durable one that can adapt to the peculiarities of our national life. Unfortunately, in spite of billions of naira and energy dissipated on the conference its report is yet to be implemented. Probably, this is why some people are skeptical about President Jonathan government-sponsored national conference.
I have studied the reports of past conferences and how far preceding governments could go in the implementation of the reports, and regrettably wish to state that the whole thing has not been palatable. If I am asked to hazard a guess as regard the estimated figure on how much had been spent on past conferences I would say it runs into hundreds of billions. Then the question is: is this amount commensurate with what had been achieved over the years? The answer is capital ‘NO’. There is no questioning the fact that Nigeria would have been better off if the reports of these conferences had been meticulously and patriotically implemented.
Feelers from the secretariat of the just-inaugurated National Conference show that the conference would gulp over N12.4 billion. And this amounts to N12 million per delegate for the three months they would spend. My grouse is not about the amount each delegate gets at the end of the day. My worry is that the report of the conference might be so controversial that it may not be implementable. So, what happens to the billions expended? As usual it goes into the drainpipe.
Nonetheless, this conference could be different if I count on my incurable optimism. Yes, it could be different, because of the seriousness the government has shown over the months to get it off the ground. Critics of the conference have always said it would achieve nothing at the end of the day.
They simply hinged their pessimism on the non-implementation of the reports of past conferences. Some critics have even argued that there was no need for a national conference since the constitution review committee of the National Assembly has already commenced the process of amending the constitution. But that should not be the only reason for anybody to give a blanket condemnation of the conference. There is something unique about the membership of the present conference which inspires some hope: they appear mature and serious-minded. Even the spread of its membership and the allowance made to accommodate opposing views are things that stimulate some confidence in the conference.
Before I proceed further, it may be necessary to attempt to explore some reasons the government had deemed it expedient to hold this conference. In my estimation, the prevailing political situation made it inevitable for the government to find a solution round it. And the solution is nothing but political. You will agree with me that the polarisation of our socio-political system is being systematically entrenched, which is why there is a clear division of the country into north and south – something that was becoming alien to our political space.
It is not contestable therefore that Nigeria has never been so threatened by ethnic hegemony as has been the case in the recent past. The drumming up of ethnic sentiments and the hullabaloo caused by the Islamic Sect Boko Haram has really been quite upsetting – not only to the government, but to every concerned Nigerian. In fact, no government would fold its arms and watch the sovereignty of a nation it superintends called to question. This is what has happened since the insurgency in the north started. By convoking the conference the government hopes to bring everybody together to discuss our differences and ventilate our grievances. It is the absence of a ventilating channel that had caused some distraught and agitating persons and groups to resort to self-help.
I must confess that I am saddened by the recent developments across the country, particularly in the north where individuals are slaughtered like rams. Apart from Boko Haram, what is now aggravating the situation is ‘Fulani herdsmen’. Who are these herdsmen and why have they suddenly become terrorists and killers? Are they the same herdsmen who had traversed every nook and cranny of this country doing their business without molestation? I tend to agree with Governor Gabriel Suswam that the so-called herdsmen are actually disguised terrorists. I tilt toward this school of thought, because of the sophistication of their weapons and the ruthlessness they exhibit during operations.
The fear in the mind of every well-meaning Nigerian is: with what is happening in the north what becomes of 2015? I do not have any modicum of doubt that 2015 will come and go just like the years before it. The national conference has the capacity to redirect the consciousness of the nation and destroy the specters of violence that have held us bondage.
It is because of the seriousness of this conference and the ultimate goal it is skewed to achieve that I have suggested to the government not to allow any no-go areas at the conference. In my thinking, any forum that provides Nigerians the opportunity to discuss the unity and peace of this country should be maximised. Therefore, to restrict the latitude for members to discuss some issues at the conference is going to be counterproductive. Not allowing some issues to be discussed is a sure sign that the conference is not entirely insulated from manipulation. What the conference needs is unfettered freedom to discuss any matter it deems important for the continued existence of Nigeria.
What most ethnic groupings in Nigeria are asking for is autonomy. And autonomy does not come from fettered freedom. It is gratifying to note that the calibre of membership of the present conference will definitely oppose any attempt to coerce it or abridge its liberty. Because of the vested interests of some persons and groups in the conference, it is possible that attempts will be made to scuttle the work of the conference. This is one area the government should watch out for mischief-makers.
Another area government should look at critically is the timeframe for the conference. I know government has the capacity to tinker with the timetable, but it should ensure that this does not eat deeply into the 2015 election timetable recently released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) as this will arouse suspicion of the citizenry that government is up to a hidden agenda. In order for the conference to work within the time allotted it, there is the need to centre discussions on only critical issues central to the unity, peace and progress of Nigeria. Even though there should not be no-go areas there is also the need for members to be objective and businesslike in their deliberations.
If you ask me, I will advise the conference to take a cue from my own agenda, which I have gratuitously set for it. The first focus of its discussions should be on security. Under security should be such items as establishment of state police, appointment and sacking of Service Chiefs, roles of paramilitary agencies, funding of security agencies, etc. The issue of state police is one item the conference must address. It should not shy away from the fact that Nigeria, considering its current circumstances, should have state police. We should not forget that every state has its own peculiarities and knows how to deal with them. I have always advocated the establishment of state police right from when I was governor. It is sad that some persons out of their selfish interests would not support the idea. The insurgency in the northeast would have been managed better by state police who know the terrains where they operate very well. Bringing in total strangers to enforce security in a complex area as the northeast is simply foolhardy. The imbroglio between the Rivers State governor and his former state police commissioner would have been unthinkable if there were state police. The size and heterogeneous nature of the country make the establishment of state police imperative.
The appointment of Service Chief has been made the prerogative of the president as enshrined in the present constitution. But it will achieve better result if the appointment is made by a Service Chiefs Commission which will be charged with the duty of providing leadership to the Service Chiefs as we have in the police. The commission will do a more thorough work in making recommendations for appointment of service chiefs. What is done currently is for the presidency to submit a list to the National Assembly for ratification after the announcement has been made. This process forecloses due process in the selection. It should be the duty of the Service Chiefs Commission to discipline erring officers or even recommend them for outright sack or retirement.
I would want the conference to take another look at some of the security outfits and see how they can be streamlined, if they did not see any reason for merging some of them. I think the number of security agencies we have now are too many and have duplicated responsibilities. Some of the existing agencies need to be empowered constitutionally to operate without any inhibitions and insulate them from undue manipulation.
Next is the distribution of appointive and elective offices. As currently configured, our elective and appointive offices are lopsidedly distributed. And this favours some ethnic groupings to the detriment of others. These flaws make me wonder what role the Federal Character Commission actually plays in this wise. Similarly, the conference should look at ethnicity and how it affects bonding among ethnic groups. Does it make sense to make provision in the constitution for any Nigerian to allow any Nigerian to live and work in any part of the country and at the same time discriminate against him? Our present constitution does not make any provisions for the protection of the rights of any Nigerian to live and work in any part of the country of his or her choice. Nigeria is big enough to allow every Nigerian the liberty not only to live and work in any part of Nigeria, but to stand for election. That is the proper thing to do.
Devolution of more powers to the states should be seriously considered. The Federal Government controls too much power and this makes the centre too attractive. If the states are made more attractive then there is the tendency that the centre will no longer attract the kind of attention it does. Recall that during the era of the regions, each region controlled its own resources and this made them viable and peaceful. That made for equity and justice. If we can return to that era it will definitely reduce insurgency and ensure a just and egalitarian society.
I have written in this column that injustice is the root of all the insurgencies we have had. After all, Boko Haram and other such groups, including the Niger Delta militants, were products of injustice. What is rather wrong with their operations is the application of violence. Otherwise, they all have justifiable reasons for their agitation.
The conference should not fail to balance the distribution of states and local councils. Is it not preposterous that the southeast geopolitical zone still has the least number of states out of the six zones that make up the country? There is no moral justification for the retention of this imbalance for as long as it has lasted. The same thing should be done with the local councils. While some states have four times more local government councils than others some states cannot even boast of 10 local councils. As far as I am concerned, this is the best opportunity to correct the imbalance and ensure equity.
What of tenure of elected officers? The four-year tenure (with room for a second term) should be abolished and replaced with a single term of 6 years. The second term stuff is what breeds corruption, anarchy and bad blood in our political system. The craze for political offices will cease the moment the second-term syndrome is abolished.
Autonomy for the judiciary and other relevant agencies of government should be seriously canvassed at the conference. This will make them more effective and less subservient to the executive. The judiciary in Nigeria has shown by some of its historic judgements that it is really the last hope of the common man. Making it less dependent on another approving authority will bring out the best in it.
I must commend the president for having the courage to go ahead with the conference. It is hoped he will allow the conference absolute latitude to operate in order to produce the desired result.
I urge members of the conference to be alive to their duties and avoid undue clannishness and ethnicity. Their allegiance should be to the Federal Republic of Nigeria and its people and not, definitely, to one man or a group of persons.
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